Courts require evidence of fraud

Electoral Bigfoot does not exist

The Seattle Times’ front page report, “Republicans double down on debunked myth of voter fraud,” (Sunday, 12/27/20) revealed irreconcilable differences between:

  • Pres. Trump’s assertions of vast voter fraud in the presidential election and that the election was “stolen”
    • —- compared to —-
  • their 60 to 1 loss record in court.  (And the one “loss” would not change the final election result in any way.)
  • (And the one “loss” would not change the final election result in any way.)

Things haven’t changed much since then.  There is still no credible or substantial evidence of election fraud.  Trump clearly lost.  If you want to know why, read on.  If you don’t want to know, if you want to believe press conference assertions and speculation rather than considering evidence and reason — if that is too challenging, too uncomfort­able, indeed offensive to you, then you must consider whether you are biased, naïve, gullible, a moral coward or intellectually lazy.  Be brave and inquisitive.  Consider this.

The Courts Require Evidence of Fraud

What seems overlooked in this overwhelming court rejection of election fraud is that there is a good reason for it.  The nearly total failure rate of election fraud lawsuits is not surprising because courts require proof.  Trump’s lawyers and other supporters can claim anything they want, no matter how unfounded — conspiracy theories, destroy­ed ballots, dead people voting — anything they can imagine to challenge regularly conducted elections and apparently get away with it on TV.  They can claim as a fact any theory conceivable, no matter how lacking in evidence, at press conferences, on Fox News, YouTube or other websites or platforms without any proof.  But there is a decisive qualitative difference between what they can get away with in the media and what the courts require.  While these media displays may convince Trump’s loyal/­gullible base, they don’t convince the courts — because, unlike press conferences and YouTube interviews, the courts require reliable evidence.  The courts are well trained, experienced and equipped to decide disputed issues of fact, such as fraud.  That’s what they do.  They require reliable evidence; real evidence, not hearsay, not anecdotal evidence, not speculation, suspicion, rumor or conjecture.  But that is all that the Trump supporters have presented in court.  Obviously and justifiably, the courts are not buying it.  In court, as you might say, you have to put up or shut up.

When it comes to proof of fraud — in court especially — the requirements are necessarily quite stringent.  Court rules require “clear cogent and convincing evidence” of fraud — that means specific facts of each element of fraud.  When claims of a stolen election are proclaimed on TV by Trump fraud hucksters that is one thing, but in court they must back them up by presenting substantial, admissible, provable, relevant facts.  They have consistently failed to do that and they cannot do it — because none exists.  And that’s why almost all of these election fraud cases have been thrown out.  Instead fraud promoters rely on conjectures, hearsay, speculation, conjecture, phony theories of unqualified “expert” opinion and anecdotal evidence.  All of that plays well in the media, in TV interviews and press conferences and on websites but fails every time in court.  This Bigfoot delusion of massive electoral fraud cannot be proved because it does not exist.  If it did exist there would be proof of it.  If there was widespread election fraud Trump and his legal henchmen could easily prove it, but they have not.  As a matter of fact, no one, not Trump, not Giuliani, not any of his election fraud supporters can name or describe a single specific example of significant election fraud that occurred anywhere during the 2020 election.  They often claim they know of instances of fraud but if asked exactly “Where, when, how and who?” they cannot answer any of those questions.

Incredibly, many Republican politicians continue to peddle the election fraud scenario even though they are in a position where they have to know it is false.  Many who once denied Trump’s claims now have fearfully succumbed to his bullying pressure tactics.

Now, for those of you who still believe the election fraud fiction, how do you explain all of this?  I’m not saying that the courts never make mistakes, but not in over 60 cases.  These are not political cases or political decisions.  The courts are just doing their job; hearing the evidence and applying the law, as they do on all cases they hear  Most rational people have confidence that if we are sued or need to make a claim in court that their cases will be properly heard and fairly decided under the evidence and the law.  We have entrusted the courts to decide these very issues.  We all rely — or should rely — on the integrity and expertise of our courts as the final arbiter of all kinds of everyday disputes, some involving claims of fraud — and that includes election fraud.  Fraud is a legal issue. The courts decide legal issues.  That’s what they do.  They are the final arbiter, the best equipped, indeed the only institution equipped and tasked with the duty to hear and decide disputed factual and legal issues, especially including fraud.

Of the 61 cases heard, some were heard by judges appointed by Trump himself or appointed by other Republican presidents.  Some were appeals and all of the decisions have been upheld on appeal. That’s over 60 courts that have held that there was no election fraud and that claimed “irregularities” were ordinary and minor mistakes and procedural slipups that would not have changed the result.  In the face of this virtually unanimous record in court, how can you say that every one of those 60 or so cases is wrong?  Really ask yourself, is it at all plausible to believe that all of these decisions were wrongly decided?  So you’re going to take the word of Donald Trump or Rudy Giuliani or Sidney Powell or retired Gen. McInerney – who were not speaking in court and not under oath, not subject to cross-examination or subject to the rules of evidence or required to provide reliable proof of facts – you are going to take their word in speeches, in interviews or press conferences over this complete judicial rejection of the election fraud fantasy?

Now you may think that it was just that the courts didn’t want to deal with a political hot potato.  That’s not true because many court cases have been heard fully on the merits with all the rules and procedures in place that decide all other cases.  In all the election fraud cases all the allegations and evidence Trump’s lawyers had were presented and still all were rejected.  Rudy Giuliani claimed in a press conference that he had hundreds of affidavits.  Did he ever present them in court?  No, just two and they didn’t prove anything relating to large-scale fraud.  And among these other alleged massive collections of affidavits, few if any have ever been presented in court.  Many of these affidavits present anecdotal evidence or contain inadmissible, unsupported, unqualified “expert” opinion (speculation) or hearsay evidence, all of which have been rejected as insufficient proof of fraud according to time-honored, nonpolitical rules of evidence. 

If you have never read any of the court cases brought by Trump and his people you are not very well informed.  The court cases are available to read online.  You should read one or two at least if you want the truth.  I have.  And, while some of these election challenges have been thrown out for lack of standing and other procedural shortcomings of the claims, most others have been dismissed after a full hearing on the merits.  Astonishingly, some cases were dismissed because Trump’s lawyers failed to even state a claim on which relief could be granted.  In most of these cases Trump’s lawyers did not even claim fraud.  Why didn’t they?  Trump’s own high-priced, experienced and skillful lawyers could not bring themselves to present the flimsy proof peddled by Giuliani and other fraud hucksters.  They didn’t present claims of fraud because there wasn’t any evidence for it.  Obviously, if they had evidence of fraud they would have presented it.  Then there was former prosecutor Sidney Powell, who did try to present a totally bogus fraud claim.  She has been sanctioned by the courts for violating court rules that require lawyers to present claims that are based on fact and the law and penalize them if they don’t.

The claim that an election was rigged or stolen because of massive election fraud is basically a claim that the election was illegal; that the conduct or the procedures of the election were illegal.  Fraud is a legal issue and legal issues are for the courts to decide.  The courts have time honored, well tested rules and meth­ods for deciding claims of fraud.  These rules are fair, balanced and uniform in all cases, Every one of the elements of fraud must be proven by clear, cogent and convincing evidence.  That’s what the courts require and we should require no less in such a crucial matter, a matter of life or death for democracy.  These rules are uniformly applied in all cases where fraud is claimed, not just election cases.  The rules are not political. They do not have a political bias.  Fraud is not a political issue.  It is an issue of reliable proof.  That is because it is so easy, so tempting to claim fraud, but so harmful, so dangerous when the claim is false because there are some who will believe it. Despite what you have heard or what you might believe, there is no such evidence — not even any ordinary factual evidence at all that massive fraud swung the election to Joe Biden.  I will explain fully.

Not only that, but remarkably there are in fact a good number of realists in the Republican ranks; Republicans who have the integrity and courage to acknowledge the truth.  They include diplomat and very conservative former Trump advisor, John Bolton, and National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien.  Bolton urged Trump to accept the result and said that his failure to do so is creating unfounded distrust in the electoral system and was hurting the country, including the transition to the Biden Administration.

The Department of Homeland Security is responsible for federal electronic and computer security.  It has publicly rebuked Trump and his allies, even calling this year’s election “the most secure in American history.”  The Election Infrastructure Sector Coordinating Executive Committee said in a statement that “there is no evidence that any voting system deleted or lost votes, changed votes, or was in any way compro­mised.”  Cybersecurity chief for the Department of Homeland Security, Christopher Krebs, refuted the claims of computer manipulation of election results.  He said, “On allegations that election systems were manipulated, 59 election security experts all agree, in every case of which we are aware, these claims either have been unsubstantiated or are technically incoherent.”  He announced that there was no security breach in the nation’s voting systems.  Trump then fired him.  Finally, Trump loyalist, former Trump appointed Atty. Gen., William Barr, concluded that there was no evidence of election fraud.  He said colorfully the claims were “BS.”  As you know, that was the same conclusion reached by the Republican Secretary of State of Georgia who Trump tried to cajole into finding enough votes for him to win the state.

In May 2017 President Trump established an 11 member commission to look into voter fraud.  It came up with no evidence of fraud and only found insignificant instances of illegal votes, some going back as far as 1948.  In January 2018, after accomplishing nothing, Trump disbanded the commission.

All claims of vast election fraud have been discredited, not only by the courts, but by state election officials as well, many of whom are Republicans and Trump support­ers.  In contested elections in Georgia and Arizona the paper ballots have been retained and recounted by trained election workers, supervised by Republican election officials.  In Georgia there were three paper ballot recounts and none of them disclosed fraud or even mis­takes that would have changed the result.  A massive hand recount of ballots in Arizona, conducted by a team hired by the Republican-controlled Arizona legislature actually came up with a few hundred more votes for Biden than had previously been counted.

In all cases in all states throughout the country that use paper ballots, the ballots are retained according to law and are available for recount.  No recounts have ever changed any of the last election results.  If there is some mysterious, insidious computer software infecting voting systems why doesn’t that show up in the paper ballots produced by these systems that are available for a hand recount?  So election deniers can assert devious mysterious manipulation of election equipment and software all they want, but it doesn’t matter if the printed paper ballots are still available for counting.  The laws in almost every state require paper ballots.  It’s just impossible to argue fraud when the paper ballots still exist and can be counted and recounted as many times as the challengers want — with the results being the same.  That alone shows that fraud claims lack any supporting evidence.

I’m not saying that mistakes and irregularities do not occur.  They always do, but mistakes and irregularities are random.  They are just as likely to benefit one of the candidates as the other and certainly cannot be known to favor either side because of the secret ballot rule.  If individual ballot votes are always kept secret you can’t know who the voter voted for.  Irregularities are not fraud.  But widespread, concerted, deliberate election fraud does not occur without significant collusive action of numbers of evildoers.

Moreover, election computer software is used widely and is very difficult to man­ipulate without being detected.  None has been discovered.  The reason is that election software programs are installed and tested off-line before the elections and during, which means they are not connected to the Internet either during set up (that is the downloading of ballot formats), during pre-election testing or during the actual ballot counting process.  Computerized election processes are more secure than the software that is used to charge purchases on credit cards — which most of us rely on without questioning. 

There are two separate and different voting systems that are prevalent throughout America.

  • First, there are the cases where voting is done on separate voting machines at various polling stations located in neighborhoods and in schools, churches and other public places throughout the jurisdiction.  In these cases there might be 5 to 20 machin­es in each polling place, adding up to hundreds throughout the entire jurisdiction.  Vot­ing machines, after being set up with the ballot format downloaded onto each machine are tested and are then ready for the election.  Prior to election day they are stored under lock and key at a warehouse or other storage location.  In order to change the election machine’s program, a nefarious conspirator would have to break into the storage area and manipulate every one or a large number or hundreds of machines by physically opening them (with a tool of some kind) and alter the software or replace will will previously installed computer chips.  These machines are then transported to the various polling stations just prior to election day.  Voters who appear at polling stations must present suitable ID.  Commonly these polling station machines throughout the country print out a ballot for the voter to review before the voter deposits his/her ballot in the scanner for optical scanning and counting.  Optical scanners read the ballot exactly as it is printed.  So every voter in these cases can look at their ballot print-out and see how they voted before inserting it in the scanner for counting.  Many voters would note any discrepancy on the printed paper ballot right away if there is one and would report the discrepancy to election workers.  The election results are tabulated at each polling station and those results reported to election headquarters for adding to the overall vote counting.  The printed ballots are retained after the election and can be recounted in a hand count.
  • The other election method involves ballots mailed to registered voters usually a couple of weeks before the election. Voters, in the privacy of their homes, can take their time in marking their ballots.  Every ballot is marked by the voter so there is little chance for fraud at that stage and we have to conclude that how the ballot is marked is what the voter intended.  These ballots when completed are either mailed or placed in a dropbox by the voter.  Ballot envelopes are received at a central location or headquarters where they are checked for signature verification, the ballot is removed from the envelope and then fed into a machine that optically scans and tabulates each ballot.  This is a system typified by the state of Washington and states that vote totally by mail. The safeguards against fraud in these cases are comprehensive.

Tabulating machines are set up, thoroughly tested, operated and supervised by experienced high-ranking election technicians and officials.  All of this is done off-line.  I emphasize: election computers and tabulating equipment is not connected to the Internet during testing and counting of ballots.  So, again, there is no way election equipment at centralized locations can be surreptitiously and undetectably tampered with in any massive way by internet hackers. 

Moreover, all paper ballots that have been fed into the ballot counting machines are retained after machine counting and can later be hand counted if questioned, which was done in the case of Arizona, Michigan and other states and recounted several times in Georgia with no significant discrepancies found.  Since no one outside a voter’s household can alter a mail-in ballot and all such ballots are tracked by unique barcodes assigned to each voter, mail-in voting is more secure than polling station voting — contrary to Trump’s unexplained assertion that mail-in balloting was “a whole big scam.”

Finally, there are many processes for assuring election integrity — for detecting and reconciling discrepancies.  Every ballot packet sent to a voter by mail has a unique barcode included, usually affixed to a security envelope.  There are several distinct steps or phases in counting ballots:

  1. When received at election central locations there are two essential items on the outside of each envelope that are checked and verified:

a. Voter signatures — they must match the signature on file.  Those with questioned signatures are counted separately and put aside for later verification along with the enclosed ballot.  Rejected ballots are counted later when and if authenticated.

b. Unique Barcodes issued by the state election body — they are scanned and recorded as received so that election records show how many ballot envelopes were received and exactly who voted, but not how they voted.  No ballot will be counted that does not have a state issued barcode.  A ballot with a phony barcode would be rejected.  For this reason it would be impossible for “mules” to stuff drop boxes with fraudulent ballots.  Without appropriate bar codes they would be weeded out and not be counted.  This is done by a ballot tracker program in most jurisdictions that use mail-in ballots, but a similar verification process is used in polling station systems.

2. The remaining ballots, that is, those that came with good barcodes and valid signatures, are removed from the security envelope and are counted.  So at this point election offices know how many ballots were received for counting.

3. The total ballots received for counting plus the number rejected are com­pared and reconciled with the total envelopes received.  The numbers must match.

4. Then the votes on the ballots are counted.  The total ballots on which votes were counted must match the total ballots received for counting.  Obviously the total number of votes for any office cannot exceed the total number of ballots received for counting. 

5. In either case of polling station voting or mail in voting, if large quantities of ballots had been insidiously destroyed there would be a clear discrepancy; the number ballots cast at polling stations or received in the mail would be much greater than the total number of ballots on which votes were count­ed or rejected.  There were no significant discrepancies of this kind anywhere in the 2020 election.

Again, for emphasis, let us remember that in the vast number of challenged elec­tions paper ballots actually existed and were retained for recounting by hand.  No significant discrepancies have ever been found.

Much has been made of alleged voting by dead people and untimely voting, that is, election officials ruling that ballo and ts received after previously set deadlines were legally cast.  All those issues were thoroughly presented, debated and resolved against Trump in court.  They are not cases of fraud anyway, but instead what we would call “irregularities.”  There is no evidence that large numbers of deceased voters cast ballots and the courts have held that extending voting deadlines under the circumstances was within the authority of the election officials to do so and legal.  The more important point to note regarding these alleged “unlawful” votes is that this is not fraud and, because of the “secret ballot” requirement, there is no way of knowing who the so-called “dead voters,” tardy voters or other illegal voters voted for.  You just can’t say that illegal votes went largely for Trump or Biden.  That is not fraud and whether it affected the outcome is unlikely and unknowable.  It is baseless speculation to assume that any number of illegal votes were ALL for Biden.

There are some, a very few, so-called election technology “experts” who support fraud claims, but they cannot explain, except by the most incredible, convoluted technological speculation. All these claims about how voting equipment was or could be sabotaged, based on mysterious algorithms and mathematical modeling have bee discredited as baseless junk science speculation.  Incidentaally the makers of voting equipment are proceeding with defamation lawsuits against Giuliani and Powell and others for trade disparagement. Those cases have sustained challenges and are proceeding in the courts.

The charges of vast election fraud could only be supported by evidence of a vast, secret, sinister conspiracy of dishonest election officials and workers, both Democrat, Republican and indepen­dents throughout the country who intentionally sabotaged the election.  Critics make the incredible assumption, again without evidence, that the election workforce is infiltrated with corrupt workers.

A far more likely conclusion regarding election officials and election workers is that they are no different than him him and will and the rest of us: they are a cross-section of America, not devious, dishonest conspirators.  Instead they are in all likelihood, by and large, dedicated hard-working citizens, probably like you or your neighbors, of all different political stripes or non-partisan.  For them it is a job.  It is safe to conclude that they are honest and diligent workers.  Among the thousands of these election officials and workers some would have observed ballot rigging if it occurred.  But, where are the whistle blowers among them, among the vast numbers of election workers?  Not one has come forward to report instances of widespread vote-rigging.  Mistakes, yes; irregularities, yes; but massive vote rigging of the election against Trump, no.  They can’t all be a part of a vast evil conspiracy, can they?  How can anyone assume such an astonishing degree of corruption and dishonesty without a sole coming forward to report it or without any other shred of evidence that it ever took place?

There are a number of inconvenient questions that all election fraud believers must confront:  If there was some credible evidence of election fraud, besides asking where is it, another question is: when did Trump and his people know of it?  Did they know of it before the election or only after the election?  Why did they only make a big fuss about it after Trump lost?  If they knew of it before the 2020 election why didn’t they do something to stop it?  If they did know about it they would have to have had know­ledge of how it would happen and with that knowledge could easily have headed it off and prevented it.  If they did not know of it until after the election, if they learned of it later, how and why did that come about only after the election?  How come they became convinced there was fraud only after they lost?  How could something so horrendous, so vast and pervasive remain such a carefully kept secret until after the election? — and then all of a sudden after the election Trump and his acolytes start yelling “Stop the Steal!”  If they know the election was rigged and how it was rigged by fraud why weren’t they able to present evidence of it to the courts or to election officials — either before or after the election?

If there was massive fraud …

there would have to be massive evidence.

What is their evidence?  Trump and his lawyers have not come up with any evidence of fraud.  They say they have proof but they haven’t presented it in court or even to the public.  Rudy Giuliani is quoted as having admitted that “We have lots of theories but no evidence.” No truer words has he uttered. That’s why they lost.  They didn’t have the votes.  If you are an election skeptic, ask yourself what actual, specific factual evidence do you know of that fraud occurred in any given case. If you can’t give any examples (and no one has), is your belief really just Trump’s assertion, his say-so or the say-so of his close advisors?  Is it just that if Trump says it happened, no evidence is needed?  Why would you take Trump’s word for it?  He has a strong bias, a self-interest motivation in making you believe his fraud fantasy.  The courts have no such bias.  Bill Barr, Mitch McConnell, Steve Bannon and many others in the Trump administration or former Trump advisors, who you would expect to have a bias, have nevertheless sided with the truth.

Why The Lie Won’t Die

Election fraud partisans, confronted with the total lack of evidence for their beliefs — or better said, the overwhelming lack of evidence that it occurred — have stubbornly failed to concede the inevitable.

But why?  Why, given that over 60 court decisions have heard the testimony and the claims and arguments (still cited by Trump supporters) and have rejected every one of them — why do they cling to these beliefs?  All their claims of massive voting fraud — some outlandish speculation and all lacking evidence of a stolen election, asserted by former Presi­dent Trump and his followers — have been rejected and debunked even by highly placed members of Trump’s own administration, and the Republican Senate minority leader, Mitch McConnell, and several Republican state secretaries of State.  No one who believes the election was rigged, no matter how committed, can cite one piece of evidence supporting any given incident of fraud that has not already been thoroughly considered and rejected by the courts or by election officials or refuted in countless recounts.

Under these circumstances why is it so difficult to stamp out this persistent belief?  Why are devout Trump supporters unable to accept the obvious truth?  It deserves an explanation.  The lie won’t die just by always calling it a “big lie.”

Well, there is a rational explanation, mostly embedded in human nature and psy­chology.  Political allegiance is no different than any other kind of allegiance, whether it is to a country, a city, a political party, a school, a race, a class, a tribe, a clan or a sports team.  It could be called tribal identity bias.  Political allegiance is not much different than sports fandom.  I am a steadfast Seahawks fan and for me it is easy to see and believe that the referees often get it wrong against “my team.”  We must face the compelling human frailty that all of us are subject to — that we believe what we want to believe and that our side has won and should win, that we are on the right side and the other side is wrong and is out to wrong us.  We believe what we want to believe some­times to the extent that facts don’t matter.  The human trait of identity or tribal bias makes it easy for committed Trump supporters to believe that the election referees got it wrong because they want to believe it so badly.

But the election fraud issue is not a close call.  It is not like a disputed pass interference call which is a debatable judgment call.  It is not debatable.

Besides tribal identity bias, will what else, then, explains the persistent unfounded beliefs of countless well educated, well-intentioned, intelligent Americans?  They are not mostly naïve or gullible people.  How do rational people discount overwhelming evidence that contradicts their beliefs?

It is the impossibility of proving a negativeA fixed principle of logic is that you can never prove with 100% certainty that some fact does not exist or that some event did not occur.

So, hypothetically, if the police accuse you of possessing illegal narcotics and they search you and your house and your car but they find nothing, they can still say with perfect reason that you nevertheless may have illegal drugs but the police just were not able to find them.

That hypothetical situation famously materialized in a real life historical setting.  During the run-up to the Iraq war members of the Bush administration, members of Congress and the news media as well, all refused to accept the conclusion of weapons inspectors that Iraq had no WMDs.  The logic was that just because weapons inspect­ors and our intelligence agencies couldn’t find them doesn’t mean they didn’t exist.  How faulty and ruinous that turned out to be.

The same faulty logic now provides the rationalization for approximately one third of Americans and two thirds of Republicans who doubt that Biden was legitimately elected or have doubts about the election.

For their fall-back position, then, election skeptics say: “Well, while we can’t prove fraud actually happened, neither can anyone disprove it with 100% certainty.”  They say that they have questions and suspicions without citing any reason for having them.  From there the argument goes, “If you can’t completely eliminate all possibilities of fraud then you have to acknowledge the possibility that fraud may have occurred.”  According to this argument, it is fair to assume or suspect that fraud happened because we cannot prove conclusively it didn’t happen.  And that provides the opening for Trump’s fans:  Since this is something they desperately want to believe, this provides the quasi-logic that allows election fraud believers to feel confident in the belief that somehow, through some unexplainable, unknowable process of hidden conspiracies, an election was stolen.

But that is a bogus argument.  It completely disregards reality; that is, the universal principle that we all rely on to guide our everyday lives and businesses, which is:

Consider and weigh the probabilities.

The prob and will and in will sleep abilities that massive election fraud occurred are minuscule and are far outweighed by the probabilities that it did not.  Consider this:  For there to be massive undetected election fraud there would have to have been massive, secret, nefarious collusion among the ranks of election workers without a single whistleblower coming forward.  Just how likely is that?

So, while there are no methods for proving with complete certainty that Bigfoot does not exist, the fraud advocates, wanting fervently to believe that election Bigfoot does exist, apparently would believe it even though the probabilities of that are so infinitely small that most fair-minded realists reject all forms of Bigfoot, as fantasy.  Likewise, most people who aren’t totally blinded by partisan wishful thinking and who look at the evidence itself — and the lack of evidence — will say, “Trump didn’t get enough votes.”

One final way to discredit the100% certainty hypothesis is to consider that if you suspect fraud corrupted the 2020 election you must therefore suspect that all of our elections have been similarly corrupted — because there was nothing so different about this presidential election to distinguish it from all previous ones — EXCEPT for one thing: The bare assertion alone of the former president himself, which has never happened before.  In this case, Trump completed a miraculous Hail Mary pass by convincing millions of Americans that a landslide election was stolen without citing one piece of evidence for it.  It was true just because the great tribal leader said it was true.

Likewise, most people who aren’t totally blinded by partisan wishful thinking and who look at the evidence — and the lack of evidence — will say, “Trump didn’t get enough votes to win.”

Probably the most telling evidentiary point in this entire matter is that the principal propagator of the election fraud claim, Trump himself, has never cited any evidence whatsoever for his claims.  He just makes the claim and apparently that is all the support his followers need.  It’s the blind faith that “He said it, so it must be true.”  A remarkable irony is that Trump’s position totally discounts the unanimous decisions of the courts against him, yet he is a prodigious litigator; he is constantly suing or threatening to sue his critics and opponents.  And in his (in)famous “fraud letter” published in the Wall Street Journal he made an introductory general claim of fraud, citing no evidence, but, in the following 20 bullet points, he identified no instances of fraud, not one — irregularities, so-called illegal votes, but he cited no evidence of fraud.  He claimed thousands of illegal votes were counted but he can’t say exactly where or how. Moreover, all of those claims have been heard and rejected by the courts and news­papers and editors over the country, including the Wall Street Journal — all have said his claims were false.

If you are ready to believe the election fraud fiction then you’re ready to believe that the Sandy Hook school shootings were staged and that the moon landings were faked.  Please, carefully and dispassionately weigh the evidence — and the lack of evidence — and rationally reject the incredibly improbable scenario that a landslide election, for the first time in American history, was rigged and stolen, undetected by Trump’s own election security department, by the courts, including some judges appointed by Trump, or by anyone in America’s entire election workforce.  Be realistic and brutally honest with yourself.  Don’t fool yourself.  Accept the evidence, not conjecture and the groundless wishful thinking peddled by Trump and his acolytes, desperate to thereby avoid a humiliating defeat and remain in power.

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Posted in Democratic Governance, Political Science.

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